Author name: Common Defense

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Exposing Special Operator Identities Could Become a Federal Crime Under Sweeping Bill

Publicizing the identities of American special operations personnel could become a federal crime under language tucked into the House version of the fiscal year 2027 National Defense Authorization Act.

The proposal would extend legal protections currently reserved for covert intelligence officers and sources to certain military members and civilians.

The measure is intended to protect operators carrying out some of the nation’s most dangerous and sensitive missions.

However, its broad wording is raising questions about press freedom, public accountability, and how much authority the Pentagon should have to decide which identities are protected.

Gabe Rottman, a lawyer and vice president of policy for the Reporters Committee for Freedom of the Press, said the proposal expands the Intelligence Identities Protection Act.

That law prohibits the “intentional” disclosure of information identifying covert intelligence agents or sources.

Under the House proposal, those protections would expand to cover “protected defense individuals.” That category would include troops assigned to sensitive units, civilians who train special operations forces, certain communications personnel, and other individuals “designated” by the War Secretary.

That final category is where the legislative net starts looking mighty wide. The proposal would appear to let the War Secretary determine which military and civilian personnel receive secrecy protections backed by serious criminal penalties.

“This feels really quite broad, and it would clearly on its face cover disclosures that are manifestly in the public interest,” Rottman said.

“We’re in a period where there’s heightened public attention to military activities and the use of special forces…. This bill, were it passed, could be used to suppress reporting that is directly relevant to those issues that are part of the public debate.”

The provision appears in the House version of the annual military policy bill, according to a policy aide for Republican Rep. Richard Hudson of North Carolina.

Hudson previously introduced legislation criminalizing the online exposure of special operators and their families, while a similar proposal was introduced in the Senate.

“Our special operators take on some of the most dangerous missions in the world to keep us safe. They and their families should never have to worry someone will expose their identities and put a target on their backs,” Hudson said in the release.

That concern is hardly theoretical, especially in an era when hostile governments, terrorist networks, and internet activists can quickly spread personal information.

Air Force Expands Special Operations Wing Relocation to Arizona, Reflecting Strategic Shifts
The U.S. Air Force has modified its plans to relocate the 492nd Special Operations Wing to Davis-Monthan Air Force Base. Here, Air Force operators with the 492nd Special Operations Wing conduct a free-fall jump over Eglin Range, Florida, May 4, 2022. (Senior Airman Harrison Winchell/U.S. Air Force)

Special operators and their families should not become targets simply because somebody wants social media attention or a political scalp.

Still, the proposed language would amend a powerful national security statute rather than merely establish penalties for malicious doxxing.

The Intelligence Identities Protection Act has previously been used to prosecute intelligence personnel who revealed the identities of other agents to journalists, and violations can carry prison sentences of 10 to 15 years.

The law would allow the Pentagon to determine what qualifies as a “sensitive” unit or mission. Rottman argued that this means the “Secretary of War can unilaterally determine what is the criminal activity.”

According to Rottman, the proposal could apply both to traditional news reports and social media posts that identify covered personnel.

Marines Engage in Multiple Firefights Defending U.S. Embassy in Haiti
Marines with the 22nd Marine Expeditionary Unit (Special Operations Capable), walk back-to-back down a hallway during a live-fire shoot house at Camp Santiago, Puerto Rico on April 18, 2026. Marine Corps photo by Sgt. Tanner Bernat.

It could also potentially apply when members of special operations units speak with reporters about misconduct inside their own ranks.

“If an actual special operator sees one of his unit mates commit a war crime and wants to talk to a reporter about it, and this is a sensitive unit, then this law could kick in and make that a potential crime,” he said.

The proposal was reportedly inspired by a January social media post identifying the Delta Force commander after the unit led the military raid that captured Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro. A policy aide from Hudson’s office pointed to that episode as the catalyst for the legislation.

Special Operations Helicopters Undergo Major Upgrades as Forces Look to the Future

The viral post on X came from journalist Seth Harp, who frequently reports on the special operations community, and it was later removed.

The House Oversight Committee subsequently voted to subpoena Harp, with the Republican leading the effort alleging that the disclosure endangered national security.

Press freedom groups pushed back, arguing that the congressional response threatened legitimate reporting because the information was not classified.

Harp also said during an interview that his post relied on a publicly available biography of the commander.

Special Operations Helicopters Undergo Major Upgrades as Forces Look to the Future
Six UH-60L Black Hawks and two CH-47F Chinooks, assigned to Task Force Brawler, 4th Battalion, 3rd Aviation Regiment, Task Force Falcon, simultaneously launch a daytime mission Jan. 18 from Multinational Base Tarin Kowt.

The House and Senate must now negotiate a final version of the authorization bill before either chamber votes on passage.

Whether the provision survives those negotiations will determine if Congress delivers a focused shield for operators or hands the Pentagon a sweeping new secrecy weapon.

News

Trump Class Battleship Fleet Could Hit Staggering $275 Billion, CBO Warns

The Navy’s proposed Trump class guided missile battleship program could carry a staggering total price tag of $275 billion, according to a Congressional Budget Office report released Wednesday. The first nuclear powered BBG(X) alone is estimated to cost $23.4 billion.

President Donald Trump’s administration announced plans in December to pursue a new class of large surface combatants bearing the Trump name.

The ambitious proposal would put unmatched firepower at sea, but it would also test a shipbuilding industry already struggling with delays, overruns and workforce limitations.

The envisioned warship would displace approximately 35,000 tons and become the most heavily armed surface vessel ever constructed for the United States Navy.

Its arsenal could include air defense missiles, land attack weapons, anti ship missiles, hypersonic systems, nuclear cruise missiles, powerful lasers and a rail gun.

“If built to those specifications, the ship would be the largest surface combatant in the world and larger than any surface combatant built for the Navy since World War II,” the CBO report stated. That would give the fleet a capital ship with a scale not seen in generations.

“It would be more than three and a half times the size of the Navy’s Arleigh Burke-class guided missile destroyer and more than twice the size of the Zumwalt-class guided missile destroyer.” In plain English, this would not be another modest procurement experiment cooked up by Pentagon bean counters.

The Navy currently projects that it could build 15 Trump class guided missile battleships between 2028 and 2056.

After the $23.4 billion lead ship, each of the remaining 14 vessels is estimated to cost approximately $18 billion.

For comparison, the USS Gerald R. Ford, America’s premier nuclear powered aircraft carrier, cost about $13.3 billion.

Trump's War Drive Leaves Iran Costs Unclear as White House Pushes Massive Military Budget
A man in a suit with a red tie talks from a lectern indoors as three other men stand behind him.
President Donald J. Trump, joined by Secretary of War Pete Hegseth, center right, Secretary of State Marco Rubio, left, and Secretary of the Navy John Phelan, right, announces plans for a “Golden Fleet” of new Navy battleships at the Mar-a-Lago Club in Palm Beach, Fla., Dec. 22, 2025.

That means each Trump class battleship could cost considerably more than the Navy’s newest carrier, even before the usual Washington cost creep starts chewing through taxpayer dollars.

The CBO also warned that the total tonnage of “large surface combatants to be constructed would need to increase by 60 percent,” by 2058.

The report added that such an increase “could be a challenge for the shipbuilding industry.”

That may qualify as bureaucratic understatement. American shipyards would have to dramatically expand output while retaining skilled workers, strengthening strained supply chains and continuing construction of other vessels demanded by the fleet.

The shift toward larger surface combatants would require shipyards to produce 12 percent more tonnage by 2035 under the Navy’s 2027 plan than under its 2025 proposal.

That increase would arrive while the service remains committed to building two DDG 51 destroyers each year.

Democrats Mock Trump-Class Battleships, Demand Drone-First Military

To meet the Trump class schedule, the Navy would need to deliver roughly one battleship every other year from 2028 through 2056. Doing that while sustaining destroyer production would demand the sort of industrial discipline Washington has discussed for years but too rarely delivered.

A Government Accountability Office report released last March documented nearly two decades of disappointing progress across American shipbuilding.

Too few ships have been completed, new vessels have failed to perform as expected and some deliveries have arrived as much as three years late.

Shelby S. Oakley, a GAO director, told the Senate Armed Services Committee that unrealistic assumptions about schedules and costs have drained resources and created additional delays.

She said Navy programs and shipbuilders have been “effectively made to operate in a perpetual state of triage.”

That troubled record does not make the battleship concept unsound, but it does expose the gulf between an impressive weapons blueprint and an operational ship delivered on time.

Trump’s vision is muscular and appropriately focused on restoring American maritime power, yet Congress and Navy leadership will need to keep contractors from treating the program like another open ended federal cash machine.

Democrats Mock Trump-Class Battleships, Demand Drone-First Military

Nuclear propulsion could provide meaningful savings over the ships’ service lives because the Navy would not have to purchase conventional fuel for them.

The GAO, however, did not estimate how much those reduced operating expenses might offset the immense cost of construction.

The projected cost has already moved sharply since the December announcement.

The updated $23.4 billion estimate for the first ship is roughly $6 billion higher than the Navy’s initial projection, making strict oversight essential before steel is cut and invoices begin landing on Capitol Hill.

If the Navy can master the industrial challenge, the Trump class could become a fearsome centerpiece of American sea power and a blunt message to China, Russia and every hostile regime watching the horizon.

If the shipbuilding establishment repeats its old habits, however, the $275 billion program could become a monument to delays, excuses and gold plated procurement.

News

Coast Guard Museum Countdown Begins as Historic Opening Draws Near

After decades of planning, setbacks and determined effort, the National Coast Guard Museum is finally approaching the finish line. The long awaited facility is scheduled to open next summer along the Thames River in New London, Connecticut.

The 80,000 square foot museum will honor the maritime service across three floors of exhibits, interactive displays and immersive experiences. More than 5,000 photographs and 600 artifacts will help tell the Coast Guard’s story of courage, readiness and service.

Among the signature pieces will be an MH 60T Jayhawk helicopter and the Medal of Honor awarded to Signalman First Class Douglas Munro. Munro, the Coast Guard’s only Medal of Honor recipient, led the rescue of Marines under enemy fire during the Battle of Guadalcanal in 1942.

Coast Guard Commandant Adm. Kevin Lunday said the institution will go far beyond displaying historic equipment. He said it “will illuminate the hard earned lessons of the sea.”

“This museum is a permanent tribute to the Long Blue Line, the generations of crews who have saved lives, defended our borders and maritime approaches, facilitated vital commerce, and responded to crises with little or no warning,” Lunday said in a Tuesday news release.

Those missions have made the Coast Guard an indispensable part of American national security, even if Washington has not always given the service the recognition it deserves. The new museum aims to correct that oversight by placing generations of sacrifice before the American public.

Supporters have pursued a national museum for the Coast Guard since at least 2001. Officials initially hoped to establish it in New London’s historic Fort Trumbull neighborhood, but the waterfront property was tied up in a bitter eminent domain dispute.

That legal fight reached the Supreme Court, which ruled for the city in 2005, yet the anticipated development never materialized. In 2013, New London donated another waterfront parcel, while Connecticut pledged $20 million to breathe life back into the project.

Congress provided nearly $50 million in 2022, clearing the way for a keel laying ceremony and the beginning of construction on the main building. Then Commandant Adm. Linda Fagan said the museum would allow the service to “share our history and the stories with the American public.”

“Today was a beautiful day in New London and for the Coast Guard,” Fagan said at the time. The federal government followed with another $50 million last year to complete construction of the facility.

Once the Coast Guard museum opens, every armed service except the Space Force, which was established in 2019, will have a national museum. The Navy’s existing museum is currently closed because of aging infrastructure and its location on an active military installation.

The National Museum of the Air Force in Dayton, Ohio, traces its history to 1923 and is the world’s oldest military aviation museum. The National Museum of the Navy opened at the Washington Navy Yard in 1963, although fundraising is underway for a modern and more publicly accessible facility elsewhere in Washington.

The National Museum of the Marine Corps opened in Quantico, Virginia, in 2006, while the National Museum of the United States Army opened at Fort Belvoir, Virginia, in 2020. The Coast Guard’s entry will complete another important chapter in preserving America’s military heritage.

Retired Capt. Wes Pulver, president of the museum association, said completing the project represents “incredible dedication, vision and partnership.” He thanked the Coast Guard and everyone who kept the mission moving despite years of legal, financial and construction hurdles.

“We are deeply grateful for the Coast Guard’s steadfast support throughout this journey and look forward to continuing our collaboration as we build a museum worthy of the remarkable men and women who have served our nation. Together, we are ensuring their stories will inspire generations to come,” Pulver said.

The museum is scheduled to welcome the public on Aug. 2, 2027, followed by a formal dedication on Coast Guard Day, Aug. 4. That date will mark the 237th anniversary of Treasury Secretary Alexander Hamilton’s establishment of the Revenue Cutter Service, the Coast Guard’s historic predecessor.

“By bridging our rich history with the challenges of tomorrow, we are creating a dynamic foundation to inspire the next generation of leaders ready to answer our nation’s call,” Lunday said. For a service whose crews routinely run toward storms, smugglers and danger, the national tribute has been a long time coming.

News

Army Communications Overhaul Leaves Families Scrambling for Answers 30 Days Later

One month after the Army began consolidating its official social media presence, military families are questioning whether the communications overhaul has delivered on its promise of easier access to information.

Instead, some families say critical updates about child care, medical services and community programs have become harder to locate.

The Army announced the sweeping change on July 9, presenting it as an effort to improve information access while limiting operational risk.

Army Directive 2026 17, Optimizing Digital Media, ordered numerous subordinate commands and installation organizations to shut down their independent social media accounts.

Organizations affected by the directive include Army Community Service, Morale, Welfare and Recreation, Child and Youth Services and military treatment facilities.

Those offices are now expected to distribute information through installation accounts or other higher command channels.

Army leaders said the centralized structure would “ensure a clear, unified voice, reduce operational risk, and improve information access for Soldiers, Families and the public.”

That objective sounds reasonable on paper, but families living with the results say the new system may be producing the opposite outcome.

During the first month of implementation, organizations across the service began notifying followers that their familiar pages would close.

Fort Bragg Army Community Service and United States Army Garrison Bavaria Family and MWR were among those directing their audiences toward broader installation accounts.

The change has also reached prominent operational and ceremonial units. The 3rd United States Infantry Regiment, widely known as The Old Guard, announced this week that its Instagram presence would be managed by the United States Army Military District of Washington.

That transfer reflects the Army’s larger campaign to centralize public communications and reduce the number of independently managed accounts.

However, combining dozens of information streams into larger pages can force families to sift through ceremonial news, command announcements and general updates just to find a child care notice.

Army spouse LeAnn Nichols said the elimination of organization specific pages disrupted a communications network she used while searching for child care and remaining connected to installation resources.
“Military families should never struggle to take advantage of the programs that are meant to support and empower our families,” Nichols said.

Nichols said hospital and MWR pages had provided one of the simplest ways to learn about programs and available services. Their removal has raised concerns that families already struggling to navigate military bureaucracy will now have another communications maze placed in front of them.

“Statistics show many military families don’t take advantage of programs that they are eligible for, and could really use,” Nichols said.

“Now it will be even more difficult to find the information we need on a regular basis.”

The concern is especially serious because child care remains one of the most persistent quality of life problems facing service members and their families.

A communications overhaul that makes those resources less visible risks worsening a problem Army leaders already know exists.

According to the Blue Star Families Military Family Lifestyle Survey, one third of active duty family respondents listed child care among their leading concerns.

Among families reporting child care problems, 67 percent pointed to long waiting lists or an insufficient number of available spaces.

Michael Hanson, an Air Force spouse living in an Army community, said the consolidation has noticeably altered how his family experiences installation life.

“The installation feels like it’s gone dark,” Hanson said.

“It’s back to COVID times where we’re all living in isolation. But even in isolation, we had social media to stay connected. With the military taking us all over the world, how can we not rely on the social highway?”

The directive does provide a process for commanders to request exceptions when they can show a mission critical need that existing communications channels cannot satisfy.

It remains unclear, however, how frequently exceptions have been requested or approved during the first month.

Military Times asked the Army how officials are measuring whether information access has actually improved and whether family feedback has been collected.

The publication also requested details about approved exceptions, replacement communications channels and any early data showing whether the centralized model is working.

Those are basic accountability questions for a policy affecting families across the Army, particularly when leaders promised better access from the start.

A unified voice may reduce institutional clutter, but it does little good if the people who need child care notices, clinic updates and community services cannot hear it.

Army leaders now have an opportunity to review the early results and correct any gaps before families simply stop looking for programs altogether.

Operational security matters, but so does ensuring soldiers and their families can find the support the Army already expects them to use.

News

Air Force Stands Firm with M18 Pistols as Proven Sidearm

The Air Force plans to keep the Sig Sauer M18 as its standard sidearm, rejecting any near term search for a replacement.

After several years of field use, the service says the compact pistol continues to meet operational requirements.

The M18 is the compact version of the Army’s Modular Handgun System and entered Air Force service in 2019. Since 2017, every military branch has adopted either the M18 or the full sized M17 to replace the aging M9, which entered service in 1985.

“The Air Force is satisfied with the M18 Modular Handgun System currently employed across the department,” an Air Force spokesperson said.

“We do not plan to consider other handgun options until the current system approaches end of service life. Until then, our limited small-arms procurement budget must remain focused on older and higher priority weapons.”

That is a practical answer from a service balancing weapons requirements against a limited procurement budget.

If a pistol remains safe, reliable, and effective, there is little reason to launch another expensive acquisition circus simply to give Pentagon planners more paperwork.

The Air Force Life Cycle Management Center’s Small Arms Program Office has purchased approximately 125,000 M18 pistols.

Those weapons have been distributed to airmen serving in combat arms units throughout the service.

The Air Force recently confirmed that it had revalidated the pistol’s safety and reliability during the past two years.

21-Year-Old Airman from Kentucky's Death Prompts Firearm Ban as Questions Swirl Around M18 Pistol

That review matters because the M18 came under scrutiny following the 2025 shooting death of an airman assigned to F.E. Warren Air Force Base in Wyoming.

After the fatal shooting, the Air Force ordered an inspection of M18 pistols across the service.

Air Force Global Strike Command, which operates and protects America’s nuclear weapons, also temporarily suspended use of the handgun “out of an abundance of caution” while investigators examined what happened.

The Air Force initially reported that the death involved an M18 discharge. Another airman was later arrested in connection with the incident and charged with manslaughter and making a false statement, changing the context surrounding the original concerns about the weapon.

Global Strike Command returned the M18 to service the following month after inspecting nearly 8,000 pistols. According to the command, investigators did not find a single weapon that had misfired, providing strong evidence that the pistol itself was not responsible.

Air Force Resumes Use of M18 Pistols with Stronger Oversight
The Air Force has resumed using the Sig Sauer M18 pistol for its Global Strike security forces airmen following an inspection of thousands of the weapons. (Staff Sgt. Joshua Hoskins/Air Force)

“As affirmed by the [Air Force Global Strike Command], the M18 was specifically designed and rigorously tested to meet stringent requirements unique to the military,” an August 2025 Sig Sauer news release stated.

“The [Air Force Global Strike Command] command-wide inspection showed that no weapon discharges were attributed to a malfunction, and the M18 can safely and reliably accomplish their missions across the globe.”

The M18 is based on Sig Sauer’s P320 family of striker fired pistols. It measures 7.25 inches long and uses a 3.9 inch barrel, making it smaller than the M17, which measures 8.05 inches and carries a 4.7 inch barrel.

Both pistols fire 9mm ammunition and can accept magazines holding either 17 or 21 rounds. The weapons have an effective range of up to 50 meters and include night sights, removable rear sight plates, and manual safeties.

The Air Force spokesperson confirmed that the service does not use the larger M17. That leaves the more compact M18 as the service’s primary handgun, a sensible fit for airmen who may need to carry a sidearm while working around aircraft, vehicles, missile facilities, and other confined environments.

Marines Allow Red Dot Optics for Pistol Qualification, Under One Condition
A Marine assigned to 5th ANGLICO fires an M18 service pistol during an exercise in Okinawa. (Staff Sgt. Manuel A. Serrano/Marine Corps)

Sig Sauer received the Modular Handgun System contract in January 2017. The agreement called for the company to deliver a combined 480,000 M17 and M18 pistols over a ten year period, creating a common handgun platform across the armed forces.

Other services are also reassessing small arms priorities rather than automatically chasing every new platform.

The Army recently said it had not purchased M7 rifles during the current fiscal year, while production attention shifted toward the lighter XM8 carbine, and the Marine Corps decided against replacing its M27 Infantry Automatic Rifle with the M7.

For the Air Force, the verdict is straightforward: the M18 works, inspections have supported its safety, and higher priority weapons need available funding.

Unless the pistol approaches the end of its service life or develops a genuine operational problem, airmen can expect it to remain on their holsters for years to come.

News

North Carolina National Guard Retreats in Facebook Censorship Fight

The North Carolina National Guard has settled a federal lawsuit brought by former Guardsman Timothy Stanhope, who alleged the organization violated his First Amendment rights by blocking him from its official Facebook page after he criticized Guard leadership.

Under the settlement, the Guard agreed to restore Stanhope’s access to the page and make reasonable efforts to unhide his previous comments. The result delivers a clear reminder that government social media accounts are not private praise clubs for public officials.

The Guard must also revise its Facebook moderation policy. Administrators may no longer block users or remove, hide or filter comments merely because officials consider those remarks “inappropriate.”

Comments will remain subject to Facebook’s community standards, which still allow the platform to police content under its own rules. Each party also agreed to cover its own legal fees and court costs.

Michelle Scott, an attorney with the Center for Individual Rights, which represented Stanhope, described the settlement as a victory for free speech. Her organization argued that government agencies cannot open public comment sections and then silence citizens whose views make officials uncomfortable.

“When a government agency opens an official page for public comment, it cannot treat that page as a one-way bulletin board where praise is welcome but criticism is censored,” Scott said. “Government officials don’t get to invite public comment and then censor the citizens who take them up on their invitation.”

In its statement about the case, the Center for Individual Rights said the dispute involved more than “one person or one post.” The larger issue, the group argued, was whether Americans retain the right to criticize government agencies in online public forums.

Stanhope filed his complaint in March 2025 after years of commenting on North Carolina National Guard Facebook posts. According to the complaint, superior officers confronted him about those comments while he remained in uniform, but the Guard did not block him until after his 2023 retirement.

The former Guardsman repeatedly criticized what he considered poor management and questionable decisions by Guard leaders. His comments were often pointed, but the First Amendment does not exist only for speech that earns a thumbs up from the public affairs office.

In 2019, Stanhope responded to a post about a combat fitness test by asking, “so when do we get the results from the leader[’]s test?” The remark suggested that senior personnel should face scrutiny alongside the troops they command.

In 2021, he criticized what he called the Guard’s “ill-conceived and hastily planned” deployment to Washington, D.C., following the Jan. 6 attack on the United States Capitol. That deployment was among the leadership decisions he publicly questioned.

Stanhope raised the temperature again in 2023 when he commented on a post announcing an officer’s promotion. He shared the officer’s mugshot from an earlier drunken driving arrest and included a news report about the incident.

The complaint also identified posts Stanhope published on his personal Facebook page that tagged the North Carolina National Guard. Because of those tags, the posts became visible through the Guard’s Facebook presence and added to the long running dispute.

The settlement does not eliminate moderation altogether, nor does it give users permission to violate Facebook’s standards. It does, however, prevent Guard officials from treating criticism itself as sufficient grounds for digital exile.

Stanhope said the agreement confirms that “constitutional rights are not optional.” His statement framed the outcome as a defense of principles that apply whether citizens speak at a public meeting, write a letter or post criticism online.

“The right to speak freely includes the right to criticize the government, and that right doesn’t disappear when the conversation moves online,” he said. “Officials don’t get to pick and choose which opinions are allowed. I’m glad the Guard finally agrees.”

The case carries a straightforward lesson for every government office operating a social media page. If officials invite the public into the conversation, they cannot demand applause and reach for the block button when accountability arrives instead.

News

Army’s New Battlefield Command System is Ready to Scale Across the Force

The Army says its Next Generation Command and Control system, known as NGC2, is “ready to scale” after a heavy prototyping push that wrapped during a major joint force exercise at Fort Irwin, California, in July.

This is not just another Beltway slide deck dressed up as innovation. Army leaders are talking about a battlefield command system meant to replace aging tools and move real data to real commanders before the enemy gets a vote.

Maj. Gen. Patrick Ellis, commanding general of the 4th Infantry Division, called the system “functional but not optimized” and said they will “spend the next year refining how we fight using the technology to share our lessons learned across the Army.”

That is the right attitude for a force that cannot afford to treat modernization like a committee hobby. The system works, the Army says, but the next fight will demand speed, discipline, and the humility to sharpen the tool before lives depend on it.

The Army has been scaling the NGC2 prototype since 2025, with the effort culminating at Project Convergence Capstone 6. The ten day event brought together roughly 10,000 participants from U.S. and allied forces, along with industry partners testing 90 different technologies.

Fort Irwin did what Fort Irwin does best. It made the force sweat, punished weak assumptions, and gave commanders a realistic proving ground instead of another polished laboratory fantasy.

“The dedicated opposing force and the unrelenting Fort Irwin conditions afforded us a great opportunity to stress the full NGC2 stack at PCC6,” Ellis said, adding that he’s “proud to have delivered a prototype at the division scale.”

NGC2 is intended to replace the Army’s legacy command and control systems, which currently manage functions such as fires, logistics, and airspace across the battlefield. Those older systems have carried the force for years, but modern war is not waiting around for outdated networks to catch up.

Army officials say NGC2 will unify data across battlefield functions so commanders can make decisions faster and maneuver with more confidence. In plain English, that means fewer stovepipes, less lag, and a better shot at hitting first when seconds matter.

The Army said NGC2 will enable “every echelon from soldier to Corps to run modern warfighting apps and artificial intelligence to support their mission, while providing resilient communications across vast distances for greater dispersion and survivability.”

That matters because the next major battlefield will be watched by drones, satellites, sensors, and electronic warfare systems that do not care about excuses. Units will need to spread out, communicate under pressure, and still bring firepower to bear without waiting for some creaky legacy system to wake up.

Army Secretary Dan Driscoll put the stakes in blunt terms. “We know the biggest risk to our national security and our national defense is not moving too fast. It’s not moving fast enough,” he said.

“The side that can sense a target, process the data, and deliver a kinetic effect the fastest, wins. That is the decisive advantage this capability provides.”

That kind of urgency fits the moment President Trump and War Secretary Pete Hegseth have demanded across the force. The military does not need fashionable buzzwords or woke distractions, it needs battlefield systems that help American troops close with, target, and destroy the enemy.

In the Army’s proposed 2027 budget, officials requested $904 million in research and development funding to scale NGC2. The service says that money will help improve communications and networking technologies tied directly to the system’s growth.

A year earlier, Anduril Industries developed the prototype under a $99.6 million effort and has continued spearheading portions of the project. That role reflects a broader push to bring faster moving industry partners into military modernization, where the old acquisition grind has too often moved at the speed of cold molasses.

The Army said I Corps headquarters will be next in line for NGC2 capabilities. That headquarters, based at Joint Base Lewis McChord, Washington, commands tens of thousands of soldiers in the Pacific region, where China is watching every American delay with great interest.

If NGC2 can scale the way Army leaders say it can, this system could become a major step toward a faster, harder to kill, more connected force. The prototype phase is over, and now comes the part that matters most: getting it into the hands of soldiers and making it work when the battlefield gets ugly.

News

Army Races to Field Longer Reach Missile to Smash Small Drone Threats

The U.S. Army is hunting for a new surface to air missile built to kill small drones at longer ranges, a mission that has become impossible to ignore after years of cheap unmanned systems reshaping battlefields from Ukraine to the Middle East.

The project is called the Next Generation C sUAS Missile, and it arrives as the U.S. military and allied nations scramble for better answers to swarms of low cost aerial threats that can spot, strike, harass and overwhelm traditional defenses.

For years, the Pentagon class has talked up lasers, microwaves and other directed energy systems as the elegant solution to the drone problem. Those tools may have a future, but the Army is also making clear that sometimes a missile still has to do missile work.

The Army wants an “extended-range, quick-response missile to defeat Group 2 and Group 3 small Unmanned Aircraft System (sUAS) threats,” according to a Sources Sought notice. Industry has until August 20 to respond.

The early requirement calls for a missile capable of intercepting a drone flying at 6 kilometers in altitude and more than 16 kilometers away. The long term objective is tougher, with the Army aiming to destroy drones flying 8 kilometers high at ranges beyond 25 kilometers.

Guidance would come through a radar seeker, giving the weapon the ability to track and engage small unmanned aircraft that are often hard to detect and even harder to kill. That matters because modern drones are no longer just flying cameras with hobby store parts.

Trump Sons Back U.S. Drone Startups to Fill Battlefield Gaps
Marine Corps Cpl. Calvin Burke, an intelligence specialist assigned to the 31st Marine Expeditionary Unit, activates a small unmanned aerial system to survey the defensive line for opposing forces during a simulated assault and seizure at Glen Airfield, Queensland, Australia, July 2025. The War Department has undertaken the drone dominance initiative to put more drones into the hands of warfighters.

The new missile appears designed as a more capable companion to the Army’s existing Coyote counter drone missile system. It is meant to give commanders more reach, faster response and better odds against drones that are becoming more common every year.

“The Army is looking for NGCM to be produced and integrated into the existing Coyote Launch System to provide extended range, rapid launch time, and reduced time-to-target over current effectors,” the notice said.

That compatibility requirement is a major point. The Army does not want a shiny science fair project that requires rebuilding the force from scratch, because even Washington should occasionally remember that troops need working weapons, not PowerPoint miracles.

“The missile must be compatible with the Coyote Launcher with minimal to no modifications,” the notice said.

The targets are Group 2 and Group 3 drones. Under the Department of War’s unmanned aircraft classification system, Group 2 drones weigh between 21 and 55 pounds at maximum takeoff, fly below 3,500 feet and move under 250 knots.

Pentagon Plans Rapid Fielding of 300,000 Small Drones by 2028
A paratrooper with 2nd Battalion, 501st Parachute Infantry Regiment, 1st Brigade, 82nd Airborne Division prepares a Small Unmanned Aircraft Systems for flight. (Sgt. Devyn Adams/Army)

That category includes aircraft such as Boeing’s ScanEagle, which can provide surveillance and targeting support. Group 3 drones, such as Insitu’s RQ 21 Blackjack, are larger, with takeoff weights under 1,320 pounds and operating altitudes below 18,000 feet.

The Army wants the new missile to leave the launcher in less than five seconds after the operator gives the order to fire. Against drones that can close distance quickly or appear with little warning, hesitation is not a luxury soldiers can afford.

The service also wants the missile to work with existing air defense networks, including Sentinel A3 and A4 radars, LTAMDS and TPQ 53 radars. That means the Army is thinking less about boutique gear and more about plugging the missile into the battlefield architecture already being used.

There would be two versions of the system. One would defend fixed sites with a mix of sensors, while the other would ride on tactical vehicles for use at the halt and while moving, giving troops at the tactical edge a more flexible shield.

The notice says the mobile version would be “mounted on tactical vehicles for employment at the halt and on-the-move, providing a scalable capability at the tactical edge.” In plain English, the Army wants drone defense that can move with the fight instead of guarding only the rear area.

The timeline is ambitious. The Army wants the program to reach Technology Readiness Level 7, meaning field prototype testing, by the end of fiscal 2027, with contractors prepared to provide 50 missiles for operational assessment by early 2028.

Pentagon Launches First ‘Top Drone’ School to Sharpen Drone Operator Skills
As the Pentagon looks to field more drones to military units, it’s also working to build up the organizational and training infrastructure needed to support that push. (Staff Sgt. Dylan Bailey/U.S. Army)

Cost will be one of the toughest parts. The Army wants missiles priced below $150,000 each when bought in bulk lots of 5,000, which is cheap compared with a roughly $4 million Patriot interceptor.

Still, critics will point out the math problem. If an Iranian Shahed 136 drone costs about $35,000, using a $150,000 interceptor is not exactly a bargain basement exchange, even if it is far better than burning premium strategic air defense missiles on disposable enemy junk.

That is why directed energy remains attractive, at least in theory, since lasers could cost only pennies per shot. But lasers can struggle in bad weather, smoke, dust and battlefield conditions, while missiles can keep working when the atmosphere refuses to cooperate.

The Army’s search reflects a hard lesson from modern war: small drones are now a serious battlefield threat, not a nuisance. If President Trump’s military rebuild and War Secretary Pete Hegseth’s warfighting focus mean anything, it is that soldiers need practical tools to kill real threats before those threats kill Americans.

The drone age is here, whether the bureaucracy likes it or not. The Army is now trying to make sure U.S. troops are not left shooting at tomorrow’s threats with yesterday’s weapons.

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DC Guard Mission Hits First Year with 325 Narcan Doses and 43 Lost Children Reunited

President Donald Trump’s “Make DC Safe and Beautiful” mission is closing out its first year with nearly 9,700 National Guard troops having rotated into Washington, D.C., since Aug. 11, 2025.

The mission, which has put Guard members from across the country in hotels while they support public safety operations in the capital, is expected to continue for at least two more years unless Trump orders otherwise.

Brig. Gen. Leland Blanchard, interim commanding general of the D.C. National Guard, told reporters Monday that the value of the deployment cannot be measured only by spreadsheets and crime charts, though Washington naturally tried to do exactly that.

Blanchard said Guard members have delivered 788 medical assists, “ranging from administering CPR to applying tourniquets for gunshot victims;” reunited 43 lost children with their families, intervened in 262 fights, and administered Narcan to 325 people suffering overdoses.

Guard members also supported law enforcement 479 times over the year, which works out to a little more than once per day during the mission.

“Those are not simply numbers. Those are not just data points,” Blanchard said. “Each of those represents fathers, mothers, children, people who have received emergency care, been returned to parents, and families, had their lives saved from opioid overdoses, or were involved in violent situations brought under control before further harm was done.”

According to Blanchard, Guard teams have also stepped into dangerous moments on the D.C. Metro, including stopping a sexual assault in progress during a “ride the rail” mission.

Massive Troop Surge to Protect the Capital Sparks Fierce Backlash as Georgia Sends National Guard to DC
D.C. National Guard soldiers supporting Joint Task Force D.C. (JTF-DC) stand guard at Union Station in Washington D.C., Aug. 15, 2025. Approximately 800 National Guard service members comprise JTF-DC to support the DC Safe and Beautiful Taskforce. These National Guard service members provide critical support such as crowd management, presence patrols and perimeter control in support of law enforcement. D.C. Guard Soldiers and Airmen are proud to say, “we live here, we work here, we serve here.” (U.S. Air National Guard photo by Staff Sgt. Natalie Filzen)

He said troops also recently intervened against a knife wielding would be attacker, another reminder that visible manpower on the street can matter when seconds count and local leaders have spent years pretending good intentions are a public safety plan.

Blanchard pointed to Starburst Plaza in northeast Washington, long known as a hub for drug activity, as one example of the Guard’s visible effect.

During an Aug. 1 visit there, he said he watched an Air National Guard member administer Narcan, “saving a life on the scene.”

“A few minutes later, a young teenager rode by on his scooter, stopped, and said, ‘I’ve never seen this place so clean,’” Blanchard said.

That kind of on the ground change is exactly what Trump’s supporters expected from a mission built around presence, deterrence, and direct intervention rather than another round of taxpayer funded excuses.

Still, the cost remains a major question, because even successful missions in the capital come with a Washington sized bill.

The Congressional Budget Office estimated the D.C. deployment costs $55 million per month, while a new estimate provided to Sen. Elizabeth Warren, Democrat of Massachusetts, projects another $1.4 billion through the expected end of the mission in January 2029.

Handling Crime in the Big Cities with US Troops is a Strength for Trump, Poll Shows
U.S. Airmen assigned to the D.C. Safe and Beautiful Task Force continue to patrol in Washington D.C., August 16, 2025. Approximately 800 National Guard service members comprise JTF-DC to support the DC Safe and Beautiful Taskforce. These National Guard service members provide critical support such as crowd management, perimeter control, logistics and communications in support of law enforcement. A majority of the D.C. National Guard personnel live and work in the local community and have existing relationships to support law enforcement. (U.S. Army Photo by Sgt. Joseph Spraktes)

Based strictly on reported Narcan uses, that would amount to more than $2 million in mission costs per overdose reversal, though that calculation leaves out medical assists, crime deterrence, child reunifications, and law enforcement support.

Plans are underway to move Guard members from hotels into apartments through a $292 million contract awarded in July to corporate lodging company Placemakr, a shift Blanchard said should save about $90 million and place troops “closer and more responsive” to their assigned areas.

There are currently just over 4,600 Guard troops in Washington, Blanchard said, and that number is expected to dip as summer events and 250th anniversary activities wind down.

A May study by the nonpartisan Niskanen Center found the deployment correlated with sharp drops in certain crimes, especially vehicle theft and other opportunistic property crimes in highly visible public spaces.

“The implication is sharp,” the study found. “The National Guard deployment appears to have deterred opportunistic property offending, exactly the category of crime most sensitive to visible, high-presence enforcement on the street. Violent crime was unmoved.”

SecWar Signs Memo Authorizing Arming of National Guard in DC as They Prepare for New Mission
Two soldiers stand in the middle of a street at night and speak with two police officers standing in front of a police vehicle.
Army 2nd Lt. Harry Siegel and Sgt. 1st Class Nikolay Bashko, both assigned to Joint Task Force District of Columbia as part of the D.C. Safe and Beautiful Task Force, talk with Metropolitan Police Department officers near Nationals Park in Washington, Aug. 19, 2025.

Asked about that analysis, Blanchard said it showed “there’s a positive impact where the Guard is on crime,” although he noted the authors “disagree with some of the locations” where troops have been assigned.

“As we move forward, what we’ll do is bring the same impact that we’re seeing,” he said, referring to the recent movement into Starburst Plaza.

“We have definitely seen a significant impact there,” Blanchard added. “I think we’re going to continue to bring that impact across the city as we expand.”

The Guard is now moving into the next phase of the D.C. mission, though Blanchard offered few specifics beyond identifying higher crime areas such as Ward 8 and the Trinidad neighborhood.

“We’ll still be downtown, and we’ll still be in the neighborhoods that we’re in right now,” he said. “We’ll just shift some of those resources, and again, working in coordination with federal law enforcement and the Metropolitan Police Department, reallocate and repurpose some of those personnel.”

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Navy Honors Medal of Honor Corpsman with Mighty New Destroyer

The Navy christened the future USS William Charette on Saturday, placing the name of a Korean War Medal of Honor recipient on one of America’s most capable new destroyers.

The ceremony took place at Bath Iron Works in Maine, where the Arleigh Burke class guided missile destroyer is being built for the fleet.

The ship honors Hospital Corpsman 3rd Class William Charette, a Navy medic whose courage under fire in 1953 became the kind of battlefield legacy that still cuts through the noise more than seven decades later.

Charette did not earn his place in history from behind a desk or through some bureaucratic award shuffle. He earned it in the trenches, under Chinese fire, while wounded Marines were bleeding around him.

Charette enlisted in the Navy in January 1951 and trained as a hospital corpsman. By 1953, he was serving on the Korean Peninsula during the final and brutal months of the war.

On March 26, 1953, Chinese People’s Volunteer Army forces launched attacks on a line of Marine outposts. Charette was at Outpost Vegas with 2nd Battalion, 7th Marine Regiment, 1st Marine Division, as the fight quickly turned vicious.

The Marines were taking heavy casualties, and the corpsmen were being pushed to their limits. Charette moved through the line anyway, treating wounded Marines while exposed to enemy fire.

When a grenade landed near his position, Charette threw himself over a wounded Marine to shield him from the blast. The explosion wounded Charette, including injuries to his face, and destroyed his medical kit.

After regaining consciousness, he kept working. With his medical supplies gone, he tore pieces from his own uniform and used them as bandages.

He also stripped off his own gear to protect another Marine, even as the battle raged around him. That is the sort of battlefield grit that no amount of Pentagon slideshow language can manufacture.

“Charette stood upright in the trench line and exposed himself to a deadly hail of enemy fire in order to lend more effective aid to the victim and to alleviate his anguish while being removed to a position of safety,” his Medal of Honor citation says. “By his indomitable courage and inspiring efforts in behalf of his wounded comrades, [Hospital Corpsman 3rd Class] Charette was directly responsible for saving many lives.”

After five days of fierce combat, the Marines repelled the attacks at Outpost Vegas. Charette survived, and several Marines lived because he refused to stop moving toward the wounded.

Charette was one of five Navy hospital corpsmen awarded the Medal of Honor for actions during the Korean War. He was the only one of those five to receive the medal while still alive.

He continued serving after the war and later took assignments that included duty aboard one of the Navy’s new nuclear submarines. Charette retired in 1977 as a master chief hospital corpsman and died in 2012.

Saturday’s christening drew Maine officials, including Gov. Janet Mills and the state’s two senators, along with the acting Secretary of the Navy. Retired Marine Col. Harvey C. Barnum Jr., himself a Medal of Honor recipient with a destroyer named in his honor, also attended.

“The enemy knows the capabilities of that warship that is probably the greatest deterrent of war that we have in our arsenal,” Barnum said. “But if the bad guys are dumb enough to take us on, then they’re going to find out the capabilities of this warship and her sister ships.”

The future USS William Charette will join the Navy’s Arleigh Burke class destroyer fleet, a force that has become central to American sea power. These ships have been busy in dangerous waters from the Red Sea to the Persian Gulf, where deterrence is not a slogan but a daily mission.

The destroyer is more than 500 feet long and carries machine guns, surface to air missiles, torpedoes and other weapons built for serious work. It is not a floating seminar room, thankfully, but a warship meant to project American power where it matters.

Naming that kind of ship after Charette is fitting. A man who ran toward wounded Marines under fire now has his name on steel that will sail into contested seas on behalf of the country he served.

For sailors who eventually crew the USS William Charette, the name will be more than paint on the stern.

It will be a standing reminder that courage, sacrifice and loyalty to the man next to you are still the foundation of the American fighting force.


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