Author name: Common Defense

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Congress Pumps $500 Million Into Taiwan Defense as Trump Keeps China Guessing

President Donald Trump is still holding off on approving a proposed $14 billion weapons package for Taiwan, even as Congress moves ahead with fresh money meant to strengthen the island against communist China’s growing military pressure.

The pause has triggered the usual guessing game in Washington, where every delay becomes a crisis and every negotiation becomes a cable news therapy session. But the facts show a more complicated picture, with Trump keeping leverage over Beijing while Congress signals that Taiwan is not being cut loose.

On July 15, the U.S. House of Representatives passed an appropriations bill that includes $500 million in Foreign Military Financing for Taiwan. The money is part of the 2027 fiscal year package and reflects continued congressional support for a key Pacific partner sitting directly in the path of Chinese expansion.

Taiwan remains one of the most important links in America’s Pacific security architecture, especially as China’s People’s Liberation Army grows more aggressive near the island. Beijing claims sovereignty over Taiwan and has repeatedly threatened to seize it by force if necessary.

The House funding does not automatically lock in a specific weapons system or force the White House to approve the larger $14 billion package. Still, analysts say the vote sends a message that the Republican led Congress has no intention of letting China dictate American security policy.

“This $500 million Foreign Military Funding demonstrates that Congress has not reduced its security support for Taiwan following the Trump-Xi meeting and reflects Congress’s desire to avoid long-term constraints on military aid to Taiwan due to White House negotiations with China through appropriations and delivery requirements,” said Huang Chung-ting, associate research fellow with the Institute for National Defense and Security Research in Taipei.

Trump met with Chinese President Xi Jinping in May, and Xi predictably objected to U.S. military aid for Taiwan. Trump later described withholding the arms deal as a “good negotiating chip.”

That comment annoyed the foreign policy hand wringers, but Trump has long treated military aid, tariffs and diplomatic access as tools rather than sacred rituals. In plain English, he does not give away leverage for free just because the permanent bureaucracy wants a tidy press release.

The Foreign Military Financing money could be used for weapons purchases, military training or related services. It can come in the form of grants or loans, depending on the structure Washington chooses.

“Foreign military financing concerns how weapons are ultimately paid for but not whether the weapons are actually sold or transferred in the first place,” said Sean King, vice president of New York-based political consultancy Park Strategies.

That distinction matters because Trump has not publicly withdrawn any previously approved but undelivered arms sales to Taiwan. Therefore, the $500 million could help cover older deals that are still working their way through the slow and often painful American procurement pipeline.

U.S. arms sales to Taiwan go back more than four decades, and delivery schedules can take years to settle. As of April, 30 separate weapon types remained partly unfulfilled, according to the Taiwan Security Monitor research initiative at George Mason University’s Schar School of Policy and Government.

The most recent fully approved batch, worth $11.1 billion, was cleared by Washington in December. That package included M109A7 self propelled howitzers, High Mobility Artillery Rocket Systems, Javelin anti tank missiles and unmanned attack aircraft systems.

Taiwan’s Cabinet approved its own special budget in May to help pay for those purchases. That move undercuts the lazy argument that Taiwan simply expects America to carry the entire burden while it waits for rescue.

Congress Pumps $500 Million Into Taiwan Defense as Trump Keeps China Guessing

“My assessment is that while there was indeed a political pause after the Trump-Xi meeting, it was not a complete halt to arms sales to Taiwan, but rather (it) targeted new cases that had not yet received approval,” Huang said.

“This delay likely involved Trump’s negotiations with China, a review of weapons stockpiles and internal White House scrutiny, and cannot be explained by a single reason,” he said.

That last point is important, because American stockpiles are not infinite, despite what the spend forever crowd seems to believe. The War Department has to balance Taiwan, Ukraine, the Middle East, homeland readiness and the hard reality that the U.S. industrial base was allowed to decay for too long.

The House bill still has to be reviewed by the Senate before it can reach Trump’s desk. If Trump signs it, analysts say it would imply that some level of Taiwan arms support continues, even if the larger $14 billion package remains officially unresolved.

China, meanwhile, has increased military exercises near Taiwan over the past four years. Many of those operations take place in the roughly 100 mile Taiwan Strait, where Beijing keeps testing the island’s defenses and Washington’s nerve.

The U.S. State Department said in June that American arms sales to Taiwan are not dependent on Beijing’s consent. That is the right answer, because the Chinese Communist Party does not get a veto over American policy, no matter how loudly it complains.

Some experts believe the White House may wait until after another Trump and Xi meeting in September before making any announcement on the $14 billion package. That would allow Trump to preserve negotiating room without formally abandoning Taiwan.

“It may be that Trump is delaying a public announcement until after Xi’s visit to avoid being the skunk who came to the garden party,” said Doug Barry, a professor at The George Washington University and a former communications director with the U.S.-China Business Council.

“It’s odd there has been no public announcement,” he said.

Odd or not, the signal from Congress is clear enough. Taiwan remains on the board, China is being watched, and Trump appears to be keeping his cards close rather than tossing them face up for Beijing’s convenience.

News

Navy Rebrands Information Professionals as Communications Systems Warfare Officers for the Digital Fight

The Navy has given one of its key information warfare communities a new name, and the change is not some cosmetic staff meeting exercise. Sailors serving as Information Professionals now have a new title, “effective immediately.”

The Information Professional community, which includes sailors serving under the 182X designator, is now officially known as the Communications Systems Warfare Officer community. The Navy announced the change through a new Naval Administrative Notice released Saturday, July 25.

According to the notice, the redesignation is a “direct warfighting imperative.” That is a pretty clear signal from a service trying to make plain that networks, data links, communications systems and cyber resilience are no longer background functions.

They are part of the fight. In modern naval warfare, the side that communicates faster, restores networks faster and moves information across the battlespace faster often gets to shoot first and survive longer.

Rear Adm. Mark D. Behning, Acting Deputy Chief of Naval Operations for Warfighting Requirements and Capabilities, made that point directly in the notice. “The title ‘Information Professional’ no longer captures the strategic reality of a community charged with stewarding our digital environment and delivering the maritime information advantage from seabed to space,” he said.

That phrasing reflects where the Navy sees the fight going. From undersea sensors to satellites overhead, the fleet depends on communications systems that must keep working while adversaries try to jam, hack, spoof, disable or destroy them.

Pentagon Rolls Out ‘Cyber Mastery Incentive Pay’ to Boost Digital Warfighters
U.S. Cyber Command members work in the Integrated Cyber Center, Joint Operations Center at Fort George G. Meade, Maryland, April. 2, 2021. (Josef Cole/DoD)

An officer in the profession described the mission last month as keeping carrier strike group crews connected, restoring command and control networks when they fail or come under attack, and managing those systems during combat. The new title, he said, “gives the fleet a name that explains what we do without an interpreter.”

That matters, because “Information Professional” always sounded like something that belonged in a corporate information technology office, not on a warship sailing into a missile threat envelope. Communications Systems Warfare Officer is not exactly bumper sticker poetry, but at least it tells sailors and commanders that this is about warfare.

The notice formalizes a shift that was already appearing in Navy documents earlier this spring. July also marks the 25th anniversary of the career field, which gives the service a convenient moment to retire the older label and move toward language that better fits the threat environment.

The Navy created the Information Professional community in July 2001 as telecommunications technology rapidly changed the way ships, aircraft, headquarters and commanders connected. Since then, the battlefield has only become more dependent on networks, data and secure communications.

Today, the Navy career page describes Communications Systems Warfare Officers as specialists whose work includes cybersecurity, countering enemy jamming, and serving as experts in information technology and networks. That is not back office work, no matter how badly the old bureaucratic label made it sound that way.

The new notice does not describe a major change in duties. Instead, Behning says the community “exists to execute a clear mission: connect the Fleet, accelerate decisions, and enable the kill.”

$10 Billion Price Tag and Bureaucratic Battles Loom Over Plans for Separate U.S. Cyber Force
Marines with Marine Corps Forces Cyberspace Command in the cyber operations center in Lasswell Hall at Fort Meade, Md., Feb. 5, 2020.

That last phrase is the part that matters most. The communications officer is not merely keeping email alive for convenience, but helping ships find targets, pass orders, coordinate fires and keep commanders ahead of the enemy.

Naval Information Forces has also been overhauling its specialized information warfare personnel in recent years. That includes standing up new forms of naval intelligence units as the service tries to sharpen its edge in a domain that China, Russia and Iran are all contesting aggressively.

The move also tracks with broader efforts across the armed forces to modernize electronic warfare, cyber capability and information dominance. After years of Washington buzzwords, the military appears to be remembering that information systems only matter if they help win wars.

For sailors in the former Information Professional community, the new name brings a clearer warfighting identity. It tells the fleet that these officers are not just maintaining networks, but defending and exploiting the digital nervous system of naval power.

The Trump era focus on lethality, backed by leaders like War Secretary Pete Hegseth, fits neatly with this kind of shift. The Navy is at its best when it drops the consultant jargon and calls warfighting what it is.

The fleet will still need reliable systems, hardened networks, disciplined operators and commanders who understand that communications are always a target. A new name will not win the next fight by itself, but naming the mission correctly is a useful start.

News

Pentagon Discloses Hundreds More Iran War Casualties After Reporting Shakeup

The Pentagon disclosed Saturday that more than 600 American troops have been killed or wounded in the war with Iran, a sharp increase of more than 200 casualties from what had previously been listed publicly.

The new total appeared through a major revision of the War Department casualty reporting system, which now separates the conflict into two distinct time periods for the first time.

According to the War Casualty Analysis System, the number of U.S. troops wounded in the conflict now stands at 624. As recently as Friday, that same system listed 420 troops as injured.

The updated system follows labels the Pentagon has rolled out in recent weeks, shifting most July casualties out of Operation Epic Fury and into a newly created category called “Overseas Operations.”

That change also altered how the Pentagon accounts for the 18 American troops killed in the conflict. Four deaths were moved out of Epic Fury and into Overseas Operations, including three soldiers killed July 17 in an Iranian attack in Jordan and another killed during a controlled detonation of a downed Iranian drone in Iraq.

Those four deaths had been removed from the official Pentagon tally late last week, sparking justified anger from families who had already seen their loved ones identified and honored as combat casualties. Bureaucratic reshuffling is one thing, but Gold Star families are not spreadsheet entries.

The new count begins with casualties on July 7, the date the Pentagon says marked the end of Epic Fury. The Trump administration has argued that the operation ended that day with the announcement of a short lived ceasefire, which reset the legally mandated 60 day clock for military action without congressional approval.

Still, the fighting before and after July 7 has looked remarkably similar on the ground and in the air. U.S. bombing missions have continued trading blows with Iranian missiles and drones, even as officials draw new lines around the paperwork.

Army Combat Medics Train for Grueling Indo-Pacific Battles Ahead
U.S. and Australian soldiers simulate medical evacuation at Fort Magsaysay, Philippines, May 24, 2025. (Staff Sgt. Brian Argamaso/U.S. Army)

President Trump himself has referred online to the “Iran Military Conflict” and said it has seen 18 American service members killed. That figure includes the four troops killed after July 7, which makes the shifting categories even more politically charged.

The latest figures show nearly 200 additional wounded troops, most of them Army soldiers, compared with what had previously been disclosed. Of the 207 troops wounded since July 7, 182 are soldiers, 21 are sailors, and four are airmen, according to the casualty system.

The Saturday update came after a week of unexplained revisions in Pentagon data. On Thursday, the Pentagon scrubbed the July deaths of four Army soldiers from its official count of U.S. troops killed in the Iran war and removed 65 wounded service members from the injured tally.

What is not in dispute is that 18 specific American service members have died during the conflict. Each has been identified by name by the Pentagon and memorialized as a combat casualty, while the military generally does not identify wounded troops or publicly classify their injuries.

War with China Would Be Catastrophic: 'Would Result in Large-Scale Casualties,' Top Army General Warns
U.S. and Australian soldiers simulate medical evacuation during a hoist training class in preparation for the Joint Pacific Multinational Readiness Center Exportable exercise at Fort Magsaysay, Philippines, May 24, 2025. Army photo by Staff Sgt. Brian Argamaso.

Pentagon officials offered little clarity before the two period update appeared Saturday. A spokesperson for the Personnel and Readiness office, which maintains the casualty database, did not explain the changes, while U.S. Central Command officials said they do not “manage” or “own” the DCAS website.

War officials first signaled Thursday that the July casualties were being reclassified because of Trump’s declared ceasefire. Later, a Pentagon spokesperson told multiple news outlets the shifting numbers were due to “temporary data disruptions” on the casualty website and would soon be corrected.

Other American deaths in the conflict include six soldiers killed in the Port Shuaiba, Kuwait attack, one soldier killed in an attack in Saudi Arabia, six airmen who died in a KC 135 crash in Iraq, and a Navy helicopter pilot from the USS George H.W. Bush who died in a crash in the Arabian Sea.

The discrepancy lands amid earlier reporting that questioned whether the Pentagon was undercounting casualties. The Intercept reported in April that casualty numbers were being undervalued, and later noticed that 15 injured service members had disappeared from wounded in action totals.

This past week, the Associated Press reported that the true number of Americans wounded in the Iran war had climbed above 500. CBS also reported that nearly 100 service members were injured in multiple Iranian airstrikes this month alone.

Army Expands ‘Transformation in Contact’ Modernization Effort to National Guard
Spc. Anton Lane, a combat medic with specialized drone training, assigned to 5-7 Cavalry 3rd Infantry Division, puts away a Skydio X10E4TT drone as part of a Transformation in Contact exercise. (Sgt. Samantha Hill/Army)

Chief Pentagon Spokesman Sean Parnell said that 96% of service members had returned to duty. He described most of the injuries as “minor concussions.”

A war official cited operational security in a New York Times report as the reason for inconsistent or delayed casualty information. That explanation may hold in some cases, but the public still deserves numbers that do not look like they are being run through a political fog machine.

David Lapan, a former Pentagon spokesperson from 2000 to 2003 and again from 2009 to 2011, said casualty reporting is one of the few ways Americans can understand the trajectory of a war. “If service members are wounded in action, if they’re hurt, again, that is a measure for the public to know how this particular war is going,” he said.

“In the absence of specific information from the department about these military operations, unfortunately, casualty reporting is one of the few ways that the public can judge how this war is going.”

For troops and families, the issue is not just data management. It is trust, accountability, and whether Washington can tell the country plainly what American service members are paying in blood while Iran keeps testing U.S. resolve.

News

What the Air Force’s Waist Deadline Really Means for Airmen

Airmen have until the end of the week to send the Air Force their waist to height ratio, but service officials now say the number will not count against their official fitness test score.

That distinction matters, because few things get troops asking questions faster than a mandatory body measurement with a deadline attached. In this case, the Air Force says the requirement is about building a baseline, not dropping the hammer on careers.

Active duty Air Force personnel must submit their waist to height ratio through the service’s myBodyComp app by July 31.

The deadline has been pushed through repeated reminders, which naturally led plenty of airmen to wonder whether the tape measure was about to become the newest career gatekeeper.

On Friday, the Air Force clarified that the requirement is a “one-time biometric data collection” that “establishes a baseline for the modernized Physical Fitness Readiness Program ” rather than a scored portion of the new fitness test cycle.

A July 9 memo from the Office of the Assistant Secretary of the Air Force for Manpower and Reserve Affairs says the same thing.

That clarification came 10 days after Air Force Chief of Staff Kenneth Wilsbach told airmen about the deadline.

In that message, Wilsbach called the Waist to Height Ratio assessment “an important component of our overall fitness program and provides commanders another tool to understand the readiness and health of the force.”

So yes, the Air Force wants the data, and yes, commanders are expected to care about what it shows. But for this one time collection, the measurement will not be scored.

An Air Force spokesperson said that the “one-time Waist-to-Height Ratio measurement is intended to give Airmen a baseline as we transition out of our initial diagnostic testing period into officially testing under the new Physic Fitness Readiness Assessment.”

That statement puts the current requirement in the transition bucket, not the punishment bucket.

Air Force Launches “Culture of Fitness” Initiative to Promote Wellness and Readiness
The Department of the Air Force has launched a new initiative aimed at motivating airmen and guardians to maintain high standards of physical fitness. Here, guardians perform air squats at Peterson Space Force Base, Colorado, in September 2025. (Keefer Patterson/U.S. Space Force)

The spokesperson added, “This WHtR measurement is separate from the official PFRA, is not scored and will not drive personnel actions.”

The service also said, “Airmen moving forward will measure WHtR as part of their official PFRA.”

In plain English, airmen still need to submit the number, but this particular deadline is not supposed to trigger formal consequences.

Leave it to military bureaucracy to make a tape measurement both mandatory and officially not part of the score, because apparently that is the kind of clarity airmen get for free.

Air & Space Forces Magazine first reported that the measurement would not be scored.

The Air Force’s follow up messaging now makes clear that the service is trying to separate this initial data pull from the official fitness assessment process.

The waist to height ratio is calculated by dividing an airman’s waist measurement by height. Airmen who were already measured between March 1 and June 30 do not have to do it again, according to the Air Force.

Reserve and Air National Guard personnel have a later deadline. They must submit their waist to height ratio data by Aug. 31.

The Air Force announced its updated fitness test last year, with implementation beginning in July. The new Physical Fitness Readiness Assessment is scheduled twice a year and includes pushups, core strength events such as sit ups, and the waist to height ratio measurement.

Cardio remains part of the package as well. Airmen will complete either a two mile run or the High Aerobic Multi Shuttle Run, commonly known as the HAMR.

The broader point is readiness, which is exactly where this issue belongs. The military does not exist to run social experiments or flatter feelings, despite what the soft handed crowd often seems to think.

Still, the Air Force now has to make sure its messaging is sharper than the confusion it created. If a measurement is required, troops deserve to know whether it affects their score, their record, or their future.

For now, the answer is straightforward enough. Submit the ratio by the deadline if required, understand that this one time collection is not scored, and expect waist to height measurements to become part of the official PFRA moving forward.

News

Army Helicopters and Navy Drones Blast Two Retired Ships to the Bottom at RIMPAC

The U.S. military and allied forces turned the Pacific into a live fire laboratory this month, sending two retired Navy ships to the bottom during the Rim of the Pacific exercise.

The targets were not exactly small. American and partner forces hammered the decommissioned USS Peleliu on July 11 and the USS Mobile Bay on July 17 as part of separate sinking exercises, better known in Navy language as SINKEX events.

This is the kind of training that matters because paper drills do not sink ships. Real missiles, real targeting, real crews, and real consequences are how warfighters learn what works before the next shooting war arrives.

Video released by the Navy’s 3rd Fleet showed both vessels taking hits above and below the waterline. Fire erupted, water blasted skyward, and two old warships that once served the fleet became final exams for modern weapons.

The operation included forces from the United States, Canada, New Zealand, Australia, Spain, Italy and Japan. Several helicopter units fired missiles into the retired vessels, giving crews a rare chance to engage ship sized targets at sea without the enemy shooting back.

Both ships were sunk more than 50 nautical miles from Kauai, safely away from the Hawaiian island. The American side included Army, Navy and Air Force units, which is exactly the kind of joint fight the Pentagon loves to brief about and occasionally remembers to practice.

USS Carl Vinson Joins Middle East Operations as U.S.-Iran Nuclear Talks Loom
Nimitz-class aircraft carrier USS Carl Vinson (CVN 70), underway in the U.S. 3rd Fleet area of operations, sails through the Pacific Ocean on its way to participate in Exercise Rim of the Pacific (RIMPAC) 2024. Twenty-nine nations, 40 surface ships, three submarines, 14 national land forces, more than 150 aircraft, and 25,000 personnel are participating in RIMPAC in and around the Hawaiian Islands, June 27 to Aug. 1. The world’s largest international maritime exercise, RIMPAC provides a unique training opportunity while fostering and sustaining cooperative relationships among participants critical to ensuring the safety of sea lanes and security on the world’s oceans. RIMPAC 2024 is the 29th exercise in the series that began in 1971. (U.S. Navy photo by Mass Communication Specialist 3rd Class Marissa A. Johnson)

Army AH 64 Apache helicopters attacked the USS Mobile Bay using Spike Non Line of Sight missiles. That alone is worth attention because Army aviation firing into naval targets is no longer some niche scenario for PowerPoint warriors.

The Navy also used multiple one way attack surface drones against the Peleliu. Those kinds of maritime drones have become a serious battlefield factor in Ukraine’s war, and the United States recently used them in combat for the first time this month against Iran.

That matters because the oceans are no longer dominated only by billion dollar ships and exquisite missiles. Small unmanned surface craft can now threaten major vessels, and the U.S. military had better be practicing with them before China, Iran, or some other bad actor decides to make the lesson more expensive.

U.S. Marines Prepare for the Future of Naval Warfare with Advanced Ship-Killing Missile System
The Arleigh Burke-class guided-missile destroyer USS Fitzgerald (DDG 62), while participating in Exercise Rim of the Pacific (RIMPAC) 2024, fires the first naval strike missile from a U.S. destroyer July 18. Twenty-nine nations, 40 surface ships, three submarines, 14 national land forces, more than 150 aircraft and 25,000 personnel are participating in RIMPAC in and around the Hawaiian Islands, June 27 to Aug. 1. The world’s largest international maritime exercise, RIMPAC provides a unique training opportunity while fostering and sustaining cooperative relationships among participants critical to ensuring the safety of sea lanes and security on the world’s oceans. RIMPAC 2024 is the 29th exercise in the series that began in 1971. (U.S. Navy photo by Mass Communication Specialist 2nd Class Jordan Jennings)

The 3rd Fleet said the SINKEX allowed participating units to build “proficiency in tactics, targeting and live-firing against a surface ship at sea,” which is exactly the point. You do not discover targeting problems, communications gaps, or weapons limitations for the first time when sailors and soldiers are already in danger.

Vice Adm. Jeff Jablon, commander of RIMPAC 2026 and the Combined Task Force, praised the allied effort. “SINKEXs are a prime example of the strength and readiness our partnerships create,” he said.

The USS Peleliu carried a name soaked in Marine Corps history, honoring the brutal World War II battle in the Pacific. The Tarawa class amphibious assault ship entered service in 1980 and later deployed to Somalia in the 1990s, helped move troops to Afghanistan, supported operations in Iraq, and was decommissioned in 2015.

Navy Dismantles Middle East Minesweepers and Bets Big On New Countermeasures
Pacific Ocean (July 10, 2004) — The mine countermeasure ship USS Avenger (MCM-1) operates off the coast of Hawaii during exercise Rim of the Pacific (RIMPAC) 2004. RIMPAC is the largest international maritime exercise in the waters around the Hawaiian Islands. This yearís exercise includes seven participating nations; Australia, Canada, Chile, Japan, South Korea, the United Kingdom and the United States. RIMPAC is intended to enhance the tactical proficiency of participating units in a wide array of combined operations at sea, while enhancing stability in the Pacific Rim region.

The USS Mobile Bay was a Ticonderoga class guided missile cruiser that served from 1987 until 2023. It deployed repeatedly to the Pacific, supported humanitarian and peacekeeping missions, backed the war effort in Iraq, and even participated in RIMPAC in 2022 before retirement.

A Navy official told Task and Purpose that this marked only the second time a Ticonderoga class cruiser has been sunk in an exercise. The USS Valley Forge, decommissioned in 2004, was used as a target in 2006.

The two RIMPAC sinkings followed another major SINKEX only weeks earlier, when U.S. and partner forces sent the decommissioned USS Juneau, an Austin class amphibious transport dock, beneath the waves during Valiant Shield. That exercise also showed how useful retired ships can be when commanders need realistic testing instead of sterile range work.

During the Juneau event, a B 2 Spirit stealth bomber fired an AGM 158C Long Range Anti Ship Missile, known as LRASM. It was the first time the Air Force announced that the bomber could carry that weapon, proving again that old hulls can still serve the country by helping validate new ways to kill enemy ships.

Marines Explore Counter-Drone Capabilities for Amphibious Combat Vehicle Amid Growing Threats
U.S. Marines assigned to Combat Assault Company, 3rd Marine Regiment, Marine Corps Base Hawaii Ð KaneÕohe Bay stand by in R7-A1 amphibious assault vehicles off Pyramid beach July 12, 2012, to meet up with the USS Essex (LHD-2) off shore during the Rim of the Pacific Exercise 2012.. Twenty-two nations, more than 40 ships and submarines, more than 200 aircraft and 25,000 personnel are participating in RIMPAC exercise from Jun. 29 to Aug. 3, in and around the Hawaiian Islands. The world’s largest international maritime exercise, RIMPAC provides a unique training opportunity that helps participants foster and sustain the cooperative relationships that are critical to ensuring the safety of sea lanes and security on the world’s oceans. RIMPAC 2012 is the 23rd exercise in the series that began in 1971.(Department of War photo by U.S. Air Force Tech. Sgt. Michael R. Holzworth/Released)

This year’s RIMPAC brings together more than 30,000 personnel from 30 nations and runs through July 31. At a time when China is building ships at a staggering pace and hostile regimes are learning from every conflict on the planet, this is not just spectacle in the Pacific.

It is deterrence with salt spray and steel. If America and its allies want to keep sea lanes open, protect the homeland, and avoid being caught flat footed, then blowing up retired ships in realistic drills is not wasteful theater, it is common sense readiness.

News

Iran Says Ukrainian Strike on Caspian Vessel Killed Sailor as Kyiv Targets War Cargo Network

Iran’s Foreign Ministry said Saturday that a Ukrainian attack on an Iranian commercial vessel in the Caspian Sea caused an explosion that killed one sailor and wounded another, opening another volatile lane in a war already stretching far beyond Ukraine’s borders.

Tehran condemned the strike as an act of aggression and said it would protect its national interests and security. That is rich coming from a regime whose drones have helped Russia terrorize Ukrainian cities, but the diplomatic protest was still delivered with the usual official outrage.

Iran’s state news agency IRNA reported that the Foreign Ministry summoned Ukraine’s chargé d’affaires in Tehran over what it called a “hostile and criminal” attack. The ministry accused Kyiv of trying to expand the war in Ukraine by striking Iranian interests in the Caspian.

The accusation comes after years of Iranian involvement on Russia’s side of the battlefield. Moscow has repeatedly used Iranian designed drones against Ukrainian civilian areas, energy infrastructure and military targets, forcing Kyiv to build one of the most aggressive drone interception and strike programs in the world.

Ukraine has also offered its drone defense experience to Middle Eastern countries that have faced attacks tied to Iran. That matters because Tehran’s military exports and proxy networks have made Iranian systems a familiar threat far outside the war in Eastern Europe.

Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy said earlier that Ukrainian forces had struck a Russian warship and vessels used to move Iranian linked military cargo in the Caspian Sea. In other words, Kyiv is signaling that the logistics pipeline supporting Russia’s war machine is not immune just because it runs through waters Tehran considers convenient.

The timing of Iran’s denunciation also lined up with Zelenskyy’s claim that Russia has been sharing satellite observations from the Middle East with Iran. According to the Ukrainian leader, those images are being used to support Iranian strike planning in the region.

Zelenskyy posted on X that Kyiv had recorded since the beginning of July “active Russian satellite surveillance of the Gulf states and U.S. military facilities located there. These images subsequently appear in Iran.” That allegation, if accurate, puts Russia and Iran in an even tighter operational partnership than the usual diplomatic spin suggests.

“At the same time, there is a clear correlation between Russia’s satellite imagery of these sites and Iranian strikes — both before the attacks, in preparation for them, and afterward, to assess the damage inflicted,” Zelenskyy said. He added that Russian satellite monitoring on July 19 and 20 alone included four air bases, with two in Bahrain, one in Jordan and one in Kuwait.

For U.S. military planners, that is not some academic intelligence footnote. Bahrain, Jordan and Kuwait are not random dots on a map, because they are central to American force posture, deterrence and rapid response across the Middle East.

If Russian imagery is flowing to Tehran, then American facilities and partner nations may be sitting inside a hostile targeting loop. That is the kind of threat the Pentagon class used to bury in jargon while adversaries kept moving, but the operational reality is blunt.

Iran’s complaint about a Caspian vessel also lands against the broader backdrop of its support for Russia’s war effort. Tehran wants the world to focus on one dead sailor while saying far less about the Iranian made systems that have been launched into Ukraine throughout the conflict.

Ukraine, for its part, appears to be expanding pressure on the supply chains that enable Russian attacks. Striking ships tied to military cargo in the Caspian would fit a broader campaign to disrupt movement, degrade capacity and force Moscow’s partners to calculate the costs of cooperation.

The Caspian Sea is not typically treated as a main stage of the Ukraine war, but this incident shows how quickly support networks can become targets. When cargo routes help sustain a war, they stop looking like innocent commercial traffic to the side being bombarded.

Tehran says it will defend its security and national interests, and Kyiv says Russia and Iran are coordinating in ways that threaten not only Ukraine but also Gulf states and U.S. military facilities. Both claims point to the same uncomfortable reality: the Russia Iran axis is no longer theoretical, and its consequences are spreading.

For the United States and its allies, the lesson is simple enough. Weakness invites coordination among bad actors, while strength forces them to think twice before turning satellites, drones and shipping routes into tools of a wider war.

News

Transportation Department Launches Push to Put Veterans Behind Big Rigs

The federal government is making a direct pitch to America’s veterans, especially those who already know what it means to handle heavy machinery under pressure. The Department of Transportation announced Friday that it wants former service members who drove large military vehicles to consider moving into commercial trucking.

The new effort is being promoted by the Trump administration as the “Freedom Haulers” initiative. The basic argument is straightforward: if a veteran can handle massive military vehicles in demanding conditions, hauling freight across American highways is a logical next mission.

The campaign is aimed at veterans with experience operating heavy tactical vehicles and similar equipment during their time in uniform. Officials say those skills can translate into the commercial trucking world, where discipline, attention to detail and independence are not optional extras.

Transportation Secretary Sean Duffy put it plainly, saying “there’s never been a better time for America’s former service members to get behind the wheel of a big rig.

“Trucking requires the precision, independence, and discipline that they forged in the military — there’s no one better to tackle the challenge,” Duffy said in a statement.

The Department of Transportation formally rolled out the campaign after President Donald Trump proposed the idea earlier this month. For an administration that has consistently emphasized work, order and American industry, this is a practical use of a veteran talent pool that Washington too often praises in speeches and then forgets in policy.

The initiative also follows a similar push from the spring of 2025. At that time, the department encouraged former military air traffic controllers to join the Federal Aviation Administration in comparable roles, another example of matching battlefield and military experience with civilian jobs that require calm under pressure.

Veterans who are interested in the trucking path would still need to obtain a commercial driver’s license. However, veterans with qualifying heavy military vehicle experience can apply for waivers through the Federal Motor Carrier Safety Administration to avoid certain road tests the government considers redundant.

That matters because many veterans have already spent years proving they can safely operate large vehicles. Making them repeat every basic step for the sake of bureaucracy would be classic Washington nonsense, and the waiver process is meant to cut through some of that red tape.

The Department of Transportation said veterans who served at least three years may qualify for training funding through the VA. According to the department, the VA tuition cap “typically” covers the full cost of training, which could remove a major barrier for veterans looking for a new career.

The timing is not accidental. The trucking industry has been under pressure while the administration has also moved to enforce federal rules requiring commercial drivers to read and speak English.

Over the past year, the Department of Transportation has canceled commercial licenses and removed drivers from routes for failing to meet that English language requirement. The administration has said it is taking “dangerous foreign drivers” off American roads, a move tied to its broader immigration enforcement agenda.

Predictably, critics have tried to frame strict safety enforcement as controversial. But for families sharing the road with heavy freight trucks, the idea that a driver should be able to understand road signs, law enforcement instructions and emergency communications should not require a national debate.

The industry itself has been hit hard by several forces at once. Thousands of licenses have been revoked, while drivers and companies have also faced tariffs, rising fuel costs linked to the ongoing war with Iran and fallout from last year’s government shutdown.

Industry analysts reported that trucking rates in June were up more than a quarter compared with the previous year. That kind of spike hits supply chains, businesses and ultimately American consumers who are already tired of watching prices climb.

The Freedom Haulers initiative is therefore more than a veterans employment program. It is also an attempt to stabilize a vital piece of the domestic economy by bringing in disciplined American workers who know how to operate serious equipment and follow serious rules.

For veterans leaving the military, the appeal is obvious. Trucking offers independence, steady work and a chance to keep serving the country in a different way, this time by keeping freight moving and shelves stocked.

The Trump administration is betting that former service members can help fill the gap while raising standards in an industry that badly needs reliable operators. If Washington is going to spend money on workforce programs, putting veterans in big rigs beats another bloated office seminar every day of the week.

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Pentagon Taps Lt. Gen. Kevin Admiral to Command U.S. Army Europe and Africa

The War Department on Thursday nominated Lt. Gen. Kevin D. Admiral to become the next commander of U.S. Army Europe and Africa, placing a seasoned III Corps leader in line for one of the Army’s most visible overseas commands.

Admiral currently commands III Corps and Fort Hood, Texas, a major Army post with deep ties to armored warfare, rapid deployment, and large scale ground combat power.

If confirmed, Admiral would succeed Gen. Christopher Donahue, who stepped away from the Europe and Africa post earlier this month after only 18 months in command.

That early exit was unexpected, and it left Maj. Gen. Christopher Norrie serving as acting commander while the War Department sorted out the next move.

The U.S. Army Europe and Africa command is not some ceremonial desk job for PowerPoint generals and diplomatic ribbon cutters.

It sits at the center of American land power on two continents, with Russia’s war in Ukraine still grinding on and NATO allies looking to Washington for steady leadership.

If confirmed, Admiral would also serve as commander of NATO’s Allied Land Command.

That role involves coordination across a massive area of responsibility involving 104 countries, which is a polite way of saying the job requires more than just smiling through multinational meetings and pretending every ally carries its weight.

Admiral would remain a three star general in the position, even though the job has previously been held at the four star level.

That detail will draw attention inside Army circles, because rank structure often tells its own story about how Washington views a command’s weight, mission, and political importance.

Before taking command of III Corps and Fort Hood, Admiral led the 1st Cavalry Division, one of the Army’s most recognizable formations.

His time with the division included service out of Fort Hood and in Poland, giving him direct experience in Europe’s tense security environment.

Pentagon Taps Lt. Gen. Kevin Admiral to Command US Army Europe and Africa
The Pentagon nominated Lt. Gen. Kevin Admiral to replace Gen. Christopher Donahue as the top Army officer for Europe and Africa. Admiral is currently the commanding general of III Armored Corps and Fort Hood, Texas. Army photo by Sgt. Tanner Dibble.

According to his official Army biography, Admiral also served as director of force management in the Office of the Deputy Chief of Staff, G 3 5 7.

That background matters because force management is where strategy meets reality, including troop structure, readiness demands, and the never ending fight over resources.

Donahue’s departure came during a wider round of senior leadership changes under Secretary of War Pete Hegseth.

Hegseth, serving under President Trump’s national security team, has moved aggressively to reshape the top ranks after years of military leadership that many conservatives viewed as too comfortable with political fads and too slow to restore warfighting focus.

In April, Hegseth asked U.S. Army Chief of Staff Gen. Randy George to step down and retire before completing the usual four year term.

That move signaled that the new leadership at the War Department was not interested in sleepwalking through inherited timelines simply because the old Pentagon establishment liked its routines.

Since taking office, Hegseth has removed more than a dozen senior military leaders.

That list includes former Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Gen. C.Q. Brown and former Chief of Naval Operations Adm. Lisa Franchetti, both prominent figures from the previous era of uniformed leadership.

To the usual Washington crowd, these changes are automatically treated like a crisis.

To many troops, veterans, and Americans outside the Beltway bubble, they look more like long overdue housecleaning after years of questionable priorities and uneven readiness.

Admiral’s nomination now lands in that broader context.

Pentagon Taps Lt. Gen. Kevin Admiral to Command US Army Europe and Africa
Lt. Gen. Kevin Admiral previously commanded the 1st Cavalry Division and the 3d Cavalry Regiment.

The Army needs credible, experienced commanders in Europe and Africa, especially as NATO manages Russian aggression, instability across Africa, and the constant demand for American leadership in regions where power vacuums do not stay empty for long.

Fort Hood, now again a central part of Admiral’s resume, has long been tied to major combat formations and the operational muscle of the Army.

A commander coming out of III Corps brings firsthand familiarity with heavy forces, deployment cycles, and the kind of large formation command that still matters when serious adversaries start moving armor and artillery.

The Senate confirmation process will determine whether Admiral formally takes the post.

If approved, he will inherit a command that must balance NATO coordination, Army readiness, partner relationships, and the hard reality that Europe is no longer a quiet rear area for American military planning.

The nomination also shows that Hegseth’s War Department is continuing to move quickly on senior personnel decisions.

Whether the Beltway class likes it or not, the message is increasingly clear: the Trump era War Department is putting its own stamp on the chain of command, and the old automatic promotion club is no longer guaranteed a comfortable ride.

For Admiral, the mission ahead would be demanding and politically watched.

For the Army, the question is whether this nomination brings stability to a key theater after Donahue’s sudden departure and helps sharpen American land power where it is needed most.

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Military Air Traffic Controller Shortage Puts Safety, Missions on the Line, Watchdog Warns

A serious shortage of civilian air traffic controllers working for the military is now hitting safety, readiness, training, and mission execution, according to a federal watchdog report that should have every commander paying attention.

The problem is not complicated, which makes it even more frustrating. Civilian controllers who work for the services are leaving for better paying jobs elsewhere, and the military is struggling to compete.

Army, Marine Corps, Navy, and Air Force officials told investigators they cannot keep pace with the civilian sector when it comes to hiring and retaining air traffic control personnel. That is not exactly a small matter when pilots, aircraft, and operational timelines depend on people safely managing crowded skies.

According to the Department of War Inspector General report released last week, the average air traffic control specialist across the Air Force earns about $113,032. The average pay at the Federal Aviation Administration is $161,150, a gap of roughly 43 percent, based on a 2026 RAND report cited by investigators.

That kind of pay difference does not require a think tank to decode. If Washington wants skilled controllers to stay in uniformed service airfields and support military operations, it cannot pretend that patriotism alone pays the mortgage.

The watchdog also found that the services are using inconsistent job grades that do not always reflect the real demands of the job. Those federal classifications help determine pay and career progression, meaning bad grading can quietly bleed talent over time.

RAND noted that the FAA pay bands “provide greater pay flexibility and address pay disparities.” In plain English, the FAA can offer a more attractive deal while the military side is stuck watching trained people walk out the door.

The FAA controls the National Airspace System, including controlled and uncontrolled airspace over the United States and surrounding waters. The military services operate their own air traffic control workforce, coordinating with the FAA for military flights and operations.

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An F-22 Raptor aircraft performs a ‘tail slide’ maneuver during an aerial demonstration at the SkyFest air show in Spokane, Washington, June 22, 2019.

The Inspector General said the Department of War controlled 29 percent of national airspace traffic in fiscal year 2024, while the FAA controlled 71 percent. That is a massive operational responsibility, and it does not get easier when the personnel pipeline starts cracking.

The report said the Department of War air traffic control shortages “negatively impact” aviation safety and overall readiness. Air Force officials said the shortage has forced them to limit airfield hours, reduce airspace availability, and close “critical safety functions.”

At Eglin Air Force Base in Florida, investigators found that the problem “created risks to aircraft and airfield maintenance and caused overseas mission delays.” That means this is not just a human resources spreadsheet problem, no matter how much the bureaucracy may wish it were.

Collision with Ducks Forces Emergency 'Flameout Landing' of U.S. Air Force F-16 in Alaska
A U.S. Air Force F-16 Fighting Falcon, assigned to the 18th Aggressor Squadron out of Eilson Air Force Base, performs aerial maneuvers during the Arctic Thunder Open House at Joint Base Elmendorf-Richardson, Alaska, June 30, 2018. This biennial event hosted by JBER is one of the largest in the state and one of the premier aerial demonstrations in the world. The event features multiple performers and ground acts to include the JBER joint forces, U.S. Air Force F-22 and U.S. Air Force Thunderbirds demonstrations teams, June 30-July 1. (U.S. Air Force photo by Alejandro Peña)

Pilots are also paying the price because fewer controllers means fewer opportunities to train, move, and operate efficiently. “The shortages are causing a reduction in [air traffic control] services, decreased operational efficiency, and less pilot training because [air traffic control] personnel are not available to manage the aircraft’s movement along air routes,” the report said.

The controller shortage is not limited to the military. The FAA has also reported being short thousands of controllers because of recruiting struggles, retention problems, and expected retirements in the coming years.

Even so, the watchdog report shows the military side is being hit harder in some ways because it is losing its own trained workforce to the FAA. That is a brutal cycle, because the services invest in skilled personnel only to see them leave for better pay and more flexible structures.

Investigators warned that these shortages “hinder” the military’s ability to meet homeland defense goals laid out in the 2026 National Defense Strategy. That strategy includes a renewed focus on countering unmanned aerial threats, a mission set that demands tighter airspace awareness, not fewer qualified controllers in the tower.

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A Marine Corps F-35B Lightning II takes off from the USS Boxer in the Pacific Ocean, March 28, 2026.

“To maintain its warfighting advantage and align with its strategic priorities, the [Department of War] must address these civilian [air traffic control] shortages to improve the Department’s overall readiness and lethality,” the report said. That is about as direct as government watchdog language gets.

For Secretary of War Pete Hegseth, this is exactly the kind of readiness issue that deserves a hard look and a sharper fix. The military cannot claim to be serious about lethality while allowing basic aviation control functions to erode because civilian pay tables are out of step with operational reality.

President Trump has repeatedly emphasized rebuilding military strength and restoring common sense to national security. This report offers another reminder that readiness is not only about ships, jets, missiles, and headlines, but also about the trained Americans in control towers making sure missions launch safely and on time.

The left loves to throw money at fashionable programs and bureaucratic pet projects, but the force still needs functioning airfields, trained controllers, and pilots who can actually train. If Washington cannot get that right, all the glossy strategy documents in the world will not keep aircraft moving when the mission clock starts ticking.

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National Guard Locks in $292 Million Deal for 2,000 Apartment Style Units for DC Troops

The National Guard Bureau, the District of Columbia National Guard and the U.S. General Services Administration have awarded Placemakr a $292 million contract to house troops supporting the Joint Task Force District of Columbia mission.

The agreement will provide up to 2,000 “apartment-style lodging units” for Guardsmen assigned to the capital, according to the Guard announcement.

Officials described the deal as the largest interagency lodging acquisition in National Guard history, a major move tied to President Trump’s “Making D.C. Safe and Beautiful” executive order.

That order has kept the mission in motion since August 2025, as troops have supported law enforcement and public safety efforts across Washington.

The Guard said the length of the deployment has made the current patchwork of hotel rooms across the region unsustainable.

For troops who are mobilized away from home, better lodging is not some luxury perk. It is a basic requirement if leaders expect them to remain sharp, disciplined and ready for a mission in the nation’s capital.

The new contract is intended to give those soldiers and airmen more stable housing while also giving commanders more flexibility.

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It also aims to reduce costs for taxpayers, which is a point worth noting in a city where the federal government usually treats waste like a core operating principle.

The acquisition process was completed in less than three months, the Guard said, “despite an agency-level vendor protest, which was reviewed and denied.”

That is quick movement by Washington standards, where moving a stapler from one office to another can somehow require a working group.

“This contract delivers stable, secure housing for our soldiers and airmen while achieving significant cost savings for the government,” Monica Williams, executive director of acquisitions and head of contracting activity for the National Guard Bureau, said in the release.

“We were able to move quickly to meet mission requirements and provide a long-term solution for deployed personnel.”

Guardsmen Honored for Their Heroic Stand Against DC Gunman
Two guardsman deployed to Washington, D.C., were awarded the Soldier’s Medal and Airman’s Medal for their response to a shooting that killed a fellow West Virginia guardsman. National Guard photo by Master Sgt. William Blankenship.

According to figures from the Guard and GSA, the pricing is “about 49% below projected short-term commercial hotel costs and 27% below standard GSA schedule pricing for lodging and housekeeping services.”

For a mission involving thousands of personnel, that kind of difference is not pocket change. It is exactly the sort of practical planning Americans should expect when troops are deployed for domestic support.

The housing announcement comes after a May 28 report that questioned the effect of the D.C. mission on crime.

That report, published by the Niskanen Center, assessed that more than 2,000 Guard troops who participated in the task force had “no measurable effect on violent crime.”

Researchers called the deployments “an expensive tool” used in “the wrong places for the wrong types of crime.”

The report cited an average daily cost of $607 per Guard member in Washington, compared with $384 in pay for Metropolitan Police Department officers.

SecWar Signs Memo Authorizing Arming of National Guard in DC as They Prepare for New Mission
Two soldiers stand in the middle of a street at night and speak with two police officers standing in front of a police vehicle.
Army 2nd Lt. Harry Siegel and Sgt. 1st Class Nikolay Bashko, both assigned to Joint Task Force District of Columbia as part of the D.C. Safe and Beautiful Task Force, talk with Metropolitan Police Department officers near Nationals Park in Washington, Aug. 19, 2025.

The report also said robbery and other violent crime rates in the region had already declined before the Guard mission began.

According to the researchers, those numbers were not meaningfully changed by the military operation.

Still, even that report did not flatly write off the mission as pointless.

Its authors noted a 24 percent decline in opportunistic property crime during the first six months of the operation, which is not exactly nothing for residents and visitors tired of watching disorder get excused by the usual soft on crime chorus.

Guard leaders have also pointed to broader mission results beyond raw violent crime statistics.

Gen. Steve Nordhaus, chief of the National Guard Bureau, praised troops in Washington in July and highlighted lifesaving and public support actions during the deployment.

America’s Cities at a Crossroads: Fear, Perception, and the Push for Order
U.S. Army Soldiers from the District of Columbia National Guard, activated in support of D.C. Safe and Beautiful Task Force, at the National Mall, Washington, D.C., Aug. 18, 2025. President Donald J. Trump activated the D.C. National Guard under Title 32 to assist Federal and Washington, D.C. law enforcement within the nation’s capital, Aug. 11, 2025. (U.S. Army photo by Nina Cortez)

“We brought 2,500 Guardsmen in from 15 states and the District of Columbia, and you all have done an amazing job,” Gen. Steve Nordhaus, chief of the National Guard Bureau, told troops in D.C. in July.

“[Since arriving] you saved over 235 lives. You’ve done over 530 medical assistances to personnel, you restored children back to their families 27 times, and you have done amazing things in support of law enforcement to make sure we reduce crime.”

Those numbers explain why the lodging contract matters.

If the federal government is going to keep Guardsmen on the ground for an extended mission, then it needs to stop improvising with hotel stays and provide a long term setup that protects readiness, morale and taxpayer money.

The broader debate over the D.C. deployment will continue, because Washington cannot even agree on whether crime is bad when the wrong political team says it out loud.

But the Guard’s housing move is clear enough: troops assigned to protect and support the capital are getting more stable quarters, and the government says it is doing so at a lower projected cost than the hotel shuffle.


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